Blogging Social Difference in LA: Week 6

Percent Black Population in Brentwood, Los Angeles

         

           Ta-Nahisi Coates in 2012 article “Fear of a Black President” published in The Atlantic discusses the Trayvon Martin tragedy, arguing that Obama had not openly discussed "the ways in which race complicates the American present"--nor his own presidency--until the death of an innocent boy who he claims would look like his son (Coates 1). According to Coates, Obama's reaction to the incidence demonstrates his "conservative character" and revolutionary attitude. The irony of President Barack Obama can be compared to the irony of racial segregation in Los Angeles communities. Many residents may embrace equality in principle, but not in practice, which leads back to Sibley’s discussion of the object relations theory in “Mapping the Pure and Defiled”: feelings can be analyzed spatially as “us” versus “them” mindsets create map-able boundaries between groups or individuals. Although there is no universal consensus regarding the exact cause of segregation and nor is there a solution, maps like the one below suggest a systematic shutting out of certain races from certain regions. With Brentwood outlined in yellow, the map illustrates the percent of black populations in Los Angeles regions. Brentwood has an unusually high percent of white residents and low percent of black residents; according to an L.A Times article “Mapping L.A.,” 84.2% are white and 1.2% are black. This demographic has not always been the same. The article can be found at: http://projects.latimes.com/mapping-la/neighborhoods/neighborhood/brentwood/

            Darnell Hunt, a sociology professor at UCLA, wrote a book titled Black Los Angeles: American Dream and Racial Realities in which he explains the history of certain communities in Los Angeles where whites have moved into predominantly black neighborhoods, resulting in the movement of blacks out of the neighborhood A summary of his book can be found at: http://www.today.ucla.edu/portal/ut/headline-156837.aspx. His current home now, Baldwin Hills, was created in the 1940s for whites-only. The original deed to the Hunts' home put into writing the prohibition that it never be “sold, conveyed, leased or rented to any person not of the white or Caucasian race.” African Americans were often denied housing before the Fair Housing Act of 1968 and as Massey and Denton point out, “money did not buy entry into white neighborhoods of American cities” (178). Since then, the percentage of black residents in the area has increased dramatically. Still, according to Massey and Denton in "The Continuing Causes of Segregation," residential segregation and racism have not come to an end due to legislation. While racism may seem less overt according to historical definitions, its prevalence remains palpable--and imbued with historical sentiments. It has taken on a modern form in modern cities.

               If race is in fact the reason for current residential segregation, its power should not be underestimated. A liberal approach, according to William Wilson in “The Truly Disadvantaged,” will likely hinder progress for the black community because the avoidance of controversial terms takes focus away from addressing internal differences and economic changes that necessitate social or economic reform. With Obama as president, Coates would agree that this form of “[soothing] race consciousness” characterizes an immature country only able to accept black “when they meet an Al Roker standard,” or in other words, achieve a position worthy of national recognition, a position far above average for someone of any race. This expectation may cause disappointment if the president is held to the same standard. As I read this article on the day of elections, I found it profound to look back at 2008 and the four years in between. Obama’s promise of new peace, signified by receiving votes from predominantly white states, was a tantalizing promise, and still is. However, although his second victory supported by a large portion of Los Angeles residents, I still wonder if integration is possible, likely, or necessary. Would it benefit Los Angeles as a city of disparity to have less divided communities? I agree with Coates’ implication that Obama symbolizes hope for many. Nevertheless, there are some views that need not be racialized, including many of the Props America just voted on; there is a fine line between acknowledging racism to diminish consequences and attributing racist attitudes to phenomena unrelated to race. Thus, I was cautious to agree fully with Denton and Massey’s argument that race is the “dominant organizing principle of U.S. urban housing markets” (181), a more influential factor than economic disadvantages. George Galster combines both schools of thought in his 1977 study, concluding that discrimination leads to segregation, which leads to economic hardship, increasing disparities and refueling the cycle. As the cycle churns and socioeconomic status fluctuates, black segregation remains universally high. Especially evident in Los Angeles where “the poorest Hispanics are less segregated than the most affluent blacks,” this trend differs from Hispanic and Asian segregation, which falls progressively as status rises (180). 

              While reading these statistics after my journey to Brentwood in search of a polling booth, I could not help but consider the attitudes of this largely white, extremely affluent neighborhood. Searching SimplyMap.com to find the most conservative regions of Los Angeles, Brentwood was ranked near the top. I intended not only to evaluate and photograph the area as usual, but to interview residents who had just voted, despite the obvious touchiness of the subject. I assumed many residents would be voting for Romney according to the demographics in the “Mapping L.A.” article mentioned above; according to the Census Bureau statistics, the median age in Brentwood is 39, high for the county, and the median household income is $112,927, also high for the city of L.A. Why do blacks have such a small presence in this community? I flirt with the two options proposed in Denton and Massey’s article: social class or race.

            Arriving at the small elementary school in Brentwood, I felt like an intruder, entering into the cozy polling booth within the toddler-sized library—I felt too old for the location, but not old enough to see eye-to-eye with the voters in the room. All voters were white. One younger man I interviewed was not hesitant to share his opinions and motivation for choosing Obama as president: “Romney is a crazy white guy who only wants to take care of the wealth.” I must have had a quizzical look on my face because he quickly added: “I know, you would think since this is an affluent area I would support him, but it’s more of a personal thing, my beliefs.” I thanked him for his openness and asked if he believes racism will decrease, increase, or remain the same if Obama is elected again. He stated confidently that racism would increase; “either way, there is going to be resentment on the other person’s side, it is a racially divided election.” A woman in her forties disagreed, confident that the election of either president would produce the same result. The rest of the people I attempted to interview did not hesitate to avoid my questions, shuffling past with minimal eye-contact, which is understandable.

                While it is not a large enough sample size to generalize and attribute it to the entire community of Brentwood, the young man’s comments were enough to contradict my preconceptions about this region; it is not entirely conservative. In fact, many of the signs outside of the gigantic homes partially hidden by flora were in support of Obama and Biden. His choice of words (“racially divided election”) suggest that he views race a central part of the election, a grounds for political separation. If race can divide a country politically, it is not unfathomable that it would separate people geographically and stratify people socially. Current residential patterns, illustrated by the map above, reflect either a conscious decision by blacks to live elsewhere (in this case, somewhere other than Brentwood) due to neighborhood preferences or economic inability. Now that there are no deeds prohibiting other races from purchasing homes in L.A., there must be an unwritten, yet significant factor, or mixture of factors, implicated in this decision. As Massey and Denton stress, there is no definitive solution to segregation, but there are many ideas attempting to explain its role in modern society. Whether the lack of blacks in Brentwood is a result of economics or a manifestation of prejudice, or both, only blacks experience a high segregation “impervious to socioeconomic influences” (Massey 180), the “most spatially isolated population in US history” (Massey 183). If it is due to economics, segregation should not be ignored but rather utilized to reduce the disadvantages certain races face.
             Personally, race did not influence my presidential vote, but I now am curious as to how Obama will continue to react to stories similar to Trayvon Martin’s and what it will signify for the American public. And while I am unsure as to the exact struggles each race faces, I can say with confidence after spending two hours returning to UCLA from Brentwood (fifteen minutes away) that traffic is the one hardship all races share.