Blogging Social Difference in L.A.: Week 3

             Initially, I intended to compare the implications of cleanliness (or lack thereof) in two adjacent zip-codes utilizing the information attained on www.simplymap.com. Both Sibley in his 1995 article "Mapping the Pure and Defiled" and Engels in his article "The Great Towns" associate lower classes with filth and defilement, pointing out the clear separation of the "happier classes" and the "working-class" (Engels 11); there are distinct territories "removed from the sight" (Engels 11) of the elite. Engels describes with disgust the "foul pools of stagnant urine and excrement" (Engels 13) in the working-class regions adjacent to the dark, murky river running through Manchester. Although Los Angeles is significantly more developed than the Manchester Engels illustrated, it still has not excluded exclusion; it has not been cleansed of racism, sexism, or other forms of prejudice. Today, there are still race-based conflicts and unfairness due to gender differences. So, I headed into areas of both extremes to see if this class division still exists visibly, even if it is as not as evident as on the streets of Manchester during its industrial development. Is there a systematic shutting-out of the “others” (Sibley)—including but not limited to the poor, racial minorities, prostitutes, and working-class according to Sibley—in certain Los Angeles regions? Whether it is conscious or unintended, do individuals view those that are dissimilar as threatening and deviant “others,” not to be approached but rather ignored? Do social conflicts result from these stereotypes? Is a society more or less cohesive where cultural mixing occurs? As Sibley notes, cities are generally cleaner due to material improvements, but minorities may still be viewed as human pollution.  In the zip-code 90010, 100% of people reported using toothbrush according to the SimmonsLocal data. On the other hand, in 90048, 23.49% of the population answered negatively. Although brushing teeth is not the sole determiner of overall cleanliness, I thought it might indicate which areas are concerned with hygiene, and also have the means to do so. After traveling to both zip-codes, what I intended to investigate and analyze shifted dramatically. 

            Driving through West Hollywood to arrive at my first destination near Melrose, my eyes could not ignore the giant statements of wealth passing by on my left. The houses were magnificent, and the areas immediately surrounding them were relatively well-kept. Upon entering the 90048 zipcode, two massive medical centers came into view. Doctors of various ethnicities getting off of work at 5 o’clock scurried across the street, still in scrubs. Further east, the streets were lined with shops and small restaurants of all kinds, uncomfortably squished together like my teeth before braces. Still further east, the shops began to look older, and the landscape was no longer particularly pleasing to the eye. Here, on the very edge of the region, I parked and set off for a walk. Within a five-minute drive, the landscape and atmosphere had altered considerably. Moseying along the sidewalk, my feet frequently landed on garbage, while my eyes landed on Jewish graffiti, and others’ eyes landed on me—why is this girl taking pictures of our sidewalk? Music flooded over the edge of open car windows, drowning the conversations between the small groups people I passed by. The residential area consisted mainly of mismatched apartments. Many of the shops had Hebrew on them, and I noticed a Jewish magazine, signifying a largely Jewish community. Even so, I shared the sidewalk with people of clearly different backgrounds, including an elderly Latino woman who was the only person to greet me. At one point, I photographed two neighboring shops to demonstrate the common juxtaposition of luxurious shops and shops of minimal value, of wealthy and not-so-wealthy.   

Opposites Attract

This adjoining of opposites is not a new discovery. In fact, seeing these contrasting shops reminded me L.A. as a whole; where one type of person is, the opposite type of person is often just around the corner. Sibley’s idea that feelings manifest in spatial practices and thus cities become noticeably segregated based upon class and race may be quite accurate. However, as this small region suggests, there is not an obvious center where the majority group together, pushing the “outsiders” to the edges of the city. Instead, the inside is less ambiguous and thus the outsiders are more closely intermixed. Moreover, who the “others” are depends on who the individual is, an aspect of the object relations theory. A region may have a boundary, but sometimes people can only maintain distance from difference for so long before it is standing or working beside you. Which brings me to my next destination: a region of workers…and only workers.

            Little did I know that 90010 would consist of Korea Town (K-Town, as the locals called it), which crowds Wilshire with large business buildings and countless Korean café’s. The aforementioned physical closeness of insiders and outsiders should not be mistaken for increased sociability. As evident in the chart generated by Simply Map again using Simmons Local data, 90010 is highly ranked for its inhabitants’ lack of genuine interest in others. Here, no residential areas exist. Businesses dominate the region, an observation

% Disagree: I have a genuine interest in others

emphasized repeatedly by a frank, kindly young Korean woman selling sweet bread at a café. She did not hesitate to share her opinion of the area she works in (her home is elsewhere), pointing out the apparent homeless population and the lack of community. When I asked further about the community, she laughed at the thought of people being sociable and greeting one another; people are not usually friendly. It takes months to get to know someone, like those who regularly come into the shop. Despite a cold social atmosphere, she believes that people are very proud to work here because Wilshire is perceived as “higher-class.” Using the Hispanic population as an example, she noted that even though the jobs they get in downtown are comparable to those in Korea Town, the jobs near Wilshire are more valued. This desire to work in an area that facilitates ascending the social ladder is logical, driving a diverse spectrum of workers to enter the city. Once people are here, they do not want to leave; even though her shop has existed for three years, some customers are surprised at its newness. Furthermore, she explained the unique Korean culture of individualism. While they are willing to live in the same community, they are not inclined to work together for the greater good and most definitely will not stand to be mistaken for a Chinese person. Thus, for a Korean, self might be constructed by resisting association and interaction with different cultures. Back out on the street, I conversed with a Caucasian businessman. He echoed many of the shop owner’s opinions, including his dislike of the business-dominated area due to the stressful and dangerous traffic; it is not a good place to live. He also described Koreans as people that stick to themselves: “They are not amiable people when it comes to other races.” When asked about the social interaction, he lamented that the work place is extremely rigid, preventing association with others unless it is for business purposes. I asked his ideas about the quote guiding this blog and he immediately began to name various groups of people—the Jewish in Melrose, the gays in Santa Monica, the whites in Bel Air—that conglomerate and do not necessarily interact with others. His rapid and casual classification of these areas by their ethnic, class, and gender differences seemed anything by casual. This human tendency to categorize others is similar to the tendency mentioned by both Sibley and Engels: to protect our own purity or identity and prevent anxiety.

Simmons Local Data 

            There is something uniquely human about our conflict, that it can be fueled by selfishness and prejudice. The development of cities is not nearly as predictable as succession in nature and Los Angeles’ inhabitants in particular do not often act altruistically. After describing Los Angeles’ various separate groupings, the business man I spoke to in Korea Town concluded that this phenomenon is not unique to L.A., but rather the same in large cities like Boston and New York City. It is possible that social difference has similar effects in other cities and thus it is not merely a product of location, but rather the place-making that occurs as people immigrate into the city and decide who is welcome in their new home and who is not. Also, Korea Town exemplifies that more social difference can exist where people work than where people live because it is where people of all backgrounds unite, though not necessarily in solidarity for the betterment of the larger community. While the workers must communicate and depend on each other to some extent, social interaction is still minimal. Next week I will continue to investigate how people's inclusive or exclusive attitudes towards others become map-able.